By Roland Dannreuther, John Peterson
In this much-needed examine of present strategic pondering on each side of the Atlantic, a various number of prime eu and American analysts are assembled to take on key questions that stay unanswered within the latest literature:
- how a lot do new safeguard recommendations sign convergence or divergence in US and european international and safeguard coverage doctrine?
- what tangible political and coverage affects might be attributed to new safeguard options?
- what are the results for US and european guidelines in the direction of particular regions?
- what are the customers for collective transatlantic action?
The legacy of 9-11 is scrutinized opposed to the backdrop of the strategic considering that preceded it. within the Nineteen Nineties, the united states struggled to advance a brand new doctrine for American overseas coverage, looking at a number of instances to advertise a ‘New international Order’ or ‘democratic enlargement’. For its half, the european had attempted to underpin its new universal overseas and safety coverage with a coherent set of ‘European values’ – multilateralism, human rights, environmental safety, and poverty relief – that have been top defended through collective eu motion. Key continuities and adjustments in those transatlantic efforts when you consider that September 11 are sincerely pointed out and heavily tested.
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A number of key papers all suggested that the new questions being asked in the NSS were legitimate—though ambiguous—and that what was required was more transatlantic discussion. François Heisbourg (2003:75) offered reflections on the NSS as a ‘work in progress’. He focused tightly on ‘the semantics at play—notably the wide use of the words “pre-emption” and “prevention” interchangeably to summarise this new strategy’, and situated this shift within the context of a discursive leitmotif which had become a constant in all US strategic pronouncements after 9/11: the need to take the fight to the enemy before they struck again.
The NSS usage, on the other hand, clearly implied war-fighting. The semantic conflation of the concepts of preemption and prevention could, Heisbourg (2003) argued, lead to a revolution in the ‘legitimization of the use of force’. Three further problems arose. Security strategy and transatlantic relations 30 The first, according to Heisbourg, was the danger that the ‘loose language’ evident in the NSS, coupled with the explicit threat of unilateral military action, could in fact prevent the general adoption, by the international community, of a new legal definition of pre-emption—something which the drama of 9/11 suggested was urgently required in international law.
Although the European Union has regularly insisted that a military component will be a necessary part of its counter-terrorist activities,11 it has never explained in any detail what specific role it foresees for military instruments. This remains an unanswered question in the European Union’s approach to counterterrorism. It is yet another significant contrast to the approach adopted by the United States. A further target of European criticism of the GWOT was the perceived US disregard for the norms of international law both with respect to the Geneva Convention and with respect to human rights (Greenwood 2002; Roberts 2003; Ignatieff 2005).
Security Strategy and Transatlantic Relations by Roland Dannreuther, John Peterson